



Class 

Book 



tJ 










u. /'••'' b 5B . 's.4\'v*/...,i^ 


t J-' 







i?i, * J -“* 8 ?^ ■' ■ i'* 


•■V . 

‘‘■Wf 


'» ‘ I' 


♦ .rf 


^s i. 


«» < 



^‘1 '''• 


4 I 








h f. 




% 


■ ♦ 


I- ^ - ■ • 


^7 x-if- 


• 4 


* . - ^ 


■ ■ ■ 'TJ 

■ • i * * ‘ 


■ir rf 







i < 




' • " -sii 


•w 




4;1 


» ( 


.-J 


06% ' « , I , 


>» 


J 


> *v> 


f*•?. i!:-:^' V' ■•■ ■ <=:- 


>A^ 




N- ’V ': 


i' 


I ■*• 


j- . -..r: 

i ■ 



> 2 W.l 






ifi 






J 




% • 




♦' 'T3^'!r^» i''^ '"W'^i 


,;-kk 5 


*.’ '*> FJ 








■ryji 


^ » 




' >’W 


.»'t 




■• .- ,.>. . ^J3 1'..' V,'' ‘'. '. ™L:« ' 


m:?: 


^Fv: 


4 .' 1.1 


K..* I’.^i 


».■'w 


Y * ' <• 






; ^» -i I 











♦ i i 


u^. 


Ji.* 




iUH 


Li^‘ 









»>?xl < 


y ^4 


Ki 


. "V 


r.* 




^ 1 .L 

ii-t- ' 


'■.' V;/ 'v.‘Ajv‘i 




»4 


, .'<,S.. 


4 « 






i 4 


*» 


r-/ 




s. 


4 :d 






■» r 







■ ft* 


i > «|4 . i_ 



• -5”^-' SM 




Ri*. - V '>:} 


'I 


'. >•' 




*:i ■ ■ 


iA* 


>** 




%w- 




< 'll 


wm 


»'1 






»V‘ ■’*•■ 

1 ' . ■* L 






^r/> 




i \ iT f 


'k 


W ';JS.«fr/4‘" ■ v: 


/■% 


‘I- 


' i: 




‘.*'-i'rr» 


(.; 


• ■» 


'H’l'!):. 






• ■I ^’ 


‘» 


"^4 V ^ 


■';"' :A , 


^ > 






■, \ 


•f • 




• ii , ‘ -'nc., .* 


■¥' 


*'K’ rS . v^ *^ * ^*-'? 


■» .f 


> ‘h 




} r ♦•>' 




7%;v 


if 




■^iC/ *■ ^ ■' ''^lh'‘i-!5te--^^’ '':, .I? if 




r i- vV, 






UAiS 




iV 




!• '*• 


fvV 


•' , I 






i 


, j.' 


•s 


V/'-' ^ 


^ry 




«r 






*' ( 

>.: Mfr" ■ 

. •% rf«. L 






U 'i ■V' 


r'lLi 


/V 


:>y 




: V ^ 


'ff: f 


v-w 




jy; 














* i^ 


'•V.'V’Vr 


fi'‘. 




4 t 

^•' -I**’ i n’ ■'■ 

' * \ 'i •« 




.y A 






•r: 


■4^" 


. • .^%J l»^' 




)i 




A. 


A;if 




ro:V 




■* -Tl tl 

\ ' . V • ‘L* 

« ■ • ,. ■' ' ' '■ 


\j|Tj 


»■. f 


V>J *- , 




IXV 










■X.vi 





.■4' 


A‘’^. 


,i' ',■ S'^' A'- 

'■.V' ■ 


4_ 1 l' 




' ‘ At' V 


’<v 


‘A;: 






K1 'I- - 'A - '.>•■;'•■ '•■; 

H* V .. ■ * . . V‘. '.v'/ -U ; v.'j.j 


X * i- 


_ ' v'l' -A«*^ 

f 


>i 


Jit 


't¥ 


t'VTH' 




T'-'W'.' '■»■' “T>^' ''■ ■/V ff 

. '.TiiAVv.,- ■, 

,v-...-^;;i u *i,. 


f!‘-H 








• » -. f 

TU^S' > 


/ 






\ ( 


vt. ^ 



«*):.'h 


. ., - .'-/A'/ 

‘r?a; 









' WASHINGTON’S 

I ( 

Farewell Address 


HAMILTON’S REVISED DRAFT 


I EXTRACTED FROM THE “WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON,” EDITED BY 
WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD.] 


FIFTY COPIES PRINTED. 


No. . 






.• V - • • 




< » 




V ■ 1 W ^ Jt 


’' V! 

^ i^ r 





* —•■ 


IH i':-v : 


k. . • VI 


y. 


' :- .* ' 




,', .- :■ ■ “V 

-I *V:V^'t ' ■ r -i • r*'«r ‘.'^4'’ 



-v“. 






r_ “ > :.^. '; « ;»,,' T • -iV- '“ '^ ' T • ^ ■ * 

'V ■ *'.' •' ■-" • V J? "■* ' •’- "'■ '”’ ‘ ^- ' 


; 

4 -/ 


. ^ Vr. ,„ 


B- 3 J& 

. 5* 

7 


■ ’ X ' 

' r •'■' \ ^' '.' T’ t */' 'iA 

2S.'!lV^. , ■ V- _ , • . ^- 


,‘hV'- V 


k#» . 


"v K- 



A /*! 


-1 


l.'«^ •> . . -VT". V ^ 

» . . «A • • • *. »■• . ^ 1 ’ . • . -.^ 

■ ■ :,vw^ . •■ ';■. 

iLvT'v »i/ A* • V, <■ ■ w - 

v'-V^.y.'^■''■'^k'i'^/ " •' ■ ■'/•'■v‘*Vy v . 








X':.' ''.ir 'k. 




J A-^ . ■' 

.j* J -^:- 

j V**, :*.-/ . * . V -r/ '* 

71- -■ 


,1. .,v> . 




f-< 


/*? V 


'“Tk . 

K -v 

»* • 


V 5 *. •<. 



f 






' ./• 

y 


•V ' 

- . ■ 


k?r; 


iS'k'- ^ff •.' -kr- 
'■» - •- • w<»^* 4’ 



’N 

y ■ 


■>. - .’T.’• *- .* i -K*' ^ ** 

' r . V. ^ > 'T 4 < .* 


• V. 


. / 




• * u' 


■ # 




• 3 ; >- 

■■•■:>■ V-/ 


r.'. 





fv. 


- '• V J - 


A- 




vi 


'’Iv u. * ’ 





■^A.< 


.J' 


ijL^v 


■ »•' 

7 ' ^ 

‘ r?- 


'Vn^^ r''X'7 ,• ‘ 

s? .0. ^ -,. 7 '• > . 

J-* • ' . 


ii vS 

’ . « .''r* 




.J 7 




■■ ^ 



i*'24_ 


.^' \ 


j-^ • 


V. 





“A-" ■■ 
^5^^: •' ^ 

- y^. 


■,s 


< ,'-4 ♦ . 

r , \ji 

.r ■**[ 

: 


/ 


T k* 


r- 


»• .** . 

I ^ • 


'» 

'/ ■. ^■•’Tv *■ 

/'• . 


• \ 


-A ..‘*«* . 


/■ 

> • ' 


> ' 

•■ t 




* —t i » 


>' A 


-'*' -r L 


W . ' 

:* 







.^s- f . 




V > 


1 • 


•W -S 


f -M 



\ • 

■ 4 y 

.a.* 












I • 






:**',£• ,-•'>1 ' r iSfrifc-. ' 




V’' 

Sv • 


« ^ 


■ 

,'.r 




. ■-./kk'. 

.f’ *.. *;■ 


" .1^ 




*4J.- • ■•’■ k 

' ■ '■-'i, : ■ 


* 

» 

€ 




:,vSi 



^ -» 4V 




*. 


•'Y' 

i^'* 's 


• •* 



»•. 




. y 


/ »• 


• 1 


■ r . » 


V 'vt- 

.»! 


^ - *. 


.;7-* 




»4 




' « » '. r.. ■ - ► 

.<4 ■ < r. 


P* J' . 





4 


V 


/ 




I 










t 









Through the courtesy of Mr. Julius F. Sachse, of Philadelphia, 
I am permitted to use his “ study ” of Houdon’s life mask of 
Washington. The French artist was at Mount Vernon in Octo¬ 
ber, 1785, and made this mask, which is unquestionably the most 
accurate representation of the face that could be attained by such 
a process. Mr. Sachse has succeeded admirably in reproducing 
the dignity of the original, worthy of the subject. The original 
mask was at Mount Vernon, but a copy was made by Mr. Stru- 
thers, of Philadelphia, and is now in the cabinet of the Pennsyl¬ 
vania Historical Society. It was this copy that was used by Mr. 
Sachse. 

Worthington Chauncey Ford. 


Extracts from Washington’s Diary, 1785. 

Sunday, October 2.—After we were in bed (about eleven o’clock in the 
evening,) Mr. Houdon, sent from Paris by Doctr. Franklin and Mr. Jefferson 
to take my Bust, in behalf of the state of Virginia, with three young men, 
assistants, introduced by a Mr. Perin, a French gentleman of Alexandria, 
arrived here by water from the latter place. 

Wednesday, 5th.—Mr. Perin went from this after breakfast. 

Friday, 7th.—Sat today, as I had done yesterday, for Mr. Houdon to form 
my bust. * 

Wednesday, 19th.—Mr. Houdon having finished the business which bro’t 
him hither, went up on Monday, with his People, work, and implements in my 
Barge to Alexandria, to take a passage in the stage for Philadelphia, the next 
morning. 





'( 1 , 








ss.. 


N*! 


BB < t > ^ > ii.iii 


U.A. 


KV'>‘ 



I .1 r r 


v.;A 7 v;>’: ;; 


<V 







.'i 




1 


1V. 



' " v:'Uv. .'‘'a'T'SM' Vr 

#1 ''<i'-' >■ >'. v ■■'•;:■ ■ ^ *'' 




f,» >» *4 


i|,.. ,•;/ ’': •/' ■',.] \' •*, / V ‘ 


. . ' jiii ^ 


JL » ' ;. ,.,>fr’ 


" ■ * . ' V, • “M' ‘ / ■ * ^ , 

f ■', • i'l;, V •*’.:•>“'■ 


'* i*» 


Sii.’i;-.'i:''^ ' V ^•'T’'' ■* '"'' 

'** * » ■ [■■ ■■'* ' ■ 1 * V . 

■H ■) W #v'', -h'l i4v '. , 'Iv i '' 



*x 




\-^^y 










T 



.., t i f :■. V' ^. ‘ ' ..'..■.i.'t.’''. f '■. ■< ,1. ■*'I' '■»' 



I 


.'A 


f ♦ ■ 


» -«' • • IM>7 

' . •• ^ f'- » ■) ' 

V ■' ' V^'i ' 4 Vf Ai 

Iftf, ' *^ »• ;. -r- ' Jl ^3 


«fc’ 


. , • r 0 rjp ^ 

) '' 1 * ‘ .'//■ 

*..lu 1 



i .'s' 


W ■ Ai-Ml ' ■■ •-■. 

I'.. ' -O 


rl* 


•'. f 




rA" M < ^: Wi^Mm. ■ : <:m 


a 


■iv, 






' u /, '■•> 

' j }*4iA‘ * ' - / ^Juni^kA# \ \ f ^ 




iA 


*.' \: K 


<Av'.■ .'■ A ' ,■ A..m ■ ':i 

♦ *. ^ 14 . X »^r -4 _ IW i 


4 

. iriVf*- 




/ 




rVv 


. . »T. - * . «»‘r » I -If*,. 

AAA . r.l?jiA4:Ar,y^AV, .. . 





»’• 


» <• 
V *: 


>. ^ 

r- J 


,* ' <* 





(V 









FAREWELL ADDRESS. 


Me 




IN EXCHANGE 

1(^1^ JubUc, 


JUN 27 1S12 


3 







FAREWELL ADDRESS* 


TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 


September lyxH, 1796. 


Friends, and Fellow-Citizens, 

The period for a new election of a Citizen, to 
administer the Executive Government of the United 
States, being not far distant, and the time actually 
arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in 
designating the person, who is to be clothed with 


Hamilton’s draft. 


* August, 1796. 

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the 
executive government of the United States being not very dis¬ 
tant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be 
employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with 


^ The first form of a farewell address was printed in Vol. XII., 123, and the 
later draft on page 194 of this volume. The various letters to Hamilton will 
show the different stages the paper made towards completion. On receiving 
the final revision from Hamilton, Washington made a fair copy of it, and the 
address was submitted to the Cabinet {Fickermgto John C. Hamilton). “ A 
few days before the appearance of this highly interesting Document in print, I 

277 





278 THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


that important trust - for another term , it appears to 
me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more dis¬ 
tinct expression of the public voice, that I should now 
apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to de¬ 
cline being considered among the number of those, 
out of whom a choice is to be made. 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice 
to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, 
without a strict regard to all the considerations 
appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful 


that important trust for another term, it appears to me proper, 
and especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of 
the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution 
I have formed to decline being considered among the number of 
those out of whom a choice is to be made. 

I beg you, nevertheless, to be assured that} the resolution which 
I announce has not been taken without a strict regard to all 
the considerations attached to the relation which, as a dutiful 


received a Message from the President by his Private Secretary, Col. Lear, sig¬ 
nifying his desire to see me. I waited on him at the appointed time, and found 
him sitting alone in the Drawing Room. He received me very kindly, and after 
paying my respects to him, desired me to take a seat near him ; then address¬ 
ing himself to me, said, that he had for some time contemplated withdrawing 
from Public Life, and had at length concluded to do so at the end of the [then] 
present term ; that he had some Thoughts and Reflections on the occasion, 
which he deemed proper to communicate to the People of the United States, 
and which he wished to appear in the Daily Advertiser^ of which I was Pro¬ 
prietor and Editor. Pie paused, and I took occasion to thank him for having 
selected that Paper as the channel of communication to the Public, especially 
as I viewed this choice as an evidence of his approbation of the principles and 
manner in which the work was conducted. He silently assented, and asked 
me when I could make the publication. I answered that the time should be 
made perfectly convenient to himself, and the following Monday was fixed on ; 
—he then said that his Secretary would deliver me the Copy on the next morn¬ 
ing [Friday] and I withdrew.—After the Proof sheet had been carefully com¬ 
pared with the Copy and corrected by myself, I carried two different Revises 










1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 


citizen to his country^—and that, in withdrawing the 
tender of service which silence in my situation might 
imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal 
for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful 
respect for your past kindness ; but act under am 
supported by a full conviction that the step is com¬ 
patible with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, 
the office to which your suflrages have twice called 
me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to 


citizen] I bear to my country, and that in withdrawing the tender 
of my services, which silence in my situation might imply, I am 
influenced by no diminution of zeal for its future interest, nor by 
any deficiency of grateful respect for its past kindness, but by a 
full conviction that such a step is compatible with both. 

The acceptance of, and the continuance hitherto in the office 
to which your suffrages have twice called me, has been a uniform 
sacrifice of private inclination to the opinion of public duty 

to be examined by the President, who made but few alterations from the Origi¬ 
nal, except in the punctuation, in which he was very minute. The publication 
of the address bearing the same date with the Paper, September 19th, 1796, 
being completed, I waited on the President with the Original, and in presenting 
it to him, ejipressed how much I should be gratified by being permitted to 
retain it ; upon which in the most obliging manner, he handed it back to me, 
saying, that if I wished for it, I might keep it;—and I took my leave.”— State¬ 
ment of David C. Claypoole. 

The address has been printed from the original MS. by James Lenox (1850), 
and I have followed that imprint. It was from the newspaper that a secretary 
transcribed it into the President’s letter-book, and Sparks also followed the 
newspaper version. The original MS. is in the Lenox Library, New York. 
The Hamilton drafts are in the Department of State, Washington. Horace 
Binney made a full ^''Inquiry into the Formation of Washington's Farewell 
Address " (1859). No other political paper by an American has been reprinted 
so many times, and the address has become a classic. 

The alterations in Hamilton’s draft are shown in Hamilton’s Works 
(Lodge’s edition), vii., 143. 








28 o the writings OF [1796 


the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what 
appeared to be your desire.—I constantly hoped, that 
it would have been much earlier in my power, con¬ 
sistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to 
disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I 
had been reluctantly drawn.—The strength of my in¬ 
clination to do this, previous to the last election, had 
even led to the preparation of an address to declare 
it to you ; but mature reflection on the then per¬ 
plexed and critical posture of our affairs with 
foreign Nations, and the unanimous advice of per¬ 
sons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to aban¬ 
don the idea.— 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external 
as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of 
inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, 
or propriety ; and -that am persuaded, whatever par¬ 
tialitymay be re¬ 
coinciding with what appeared to be your wishes. I had con¬ 
stantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, 
consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, 
to return to that retirement from which those motives had reluc¬ 
tantly drawn me. 

The strength of my desire to withdraw previous to the last 
election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare 
it to you, but deliberate reflection on the very critical and per¬ 
plexed posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unani¬ 
mous advice of men every way entitled to my confidence, obliged 
me to abandon the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your national concerns, external as 
well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of my inclination 
incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and that 
whatever partiality any portion of you may still retain for my 







1796] 


GEORGE WASHINGTON. 


281 


tained for my services, that they, in the present 
circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove 
my determination to retire. 

The impressions, ■ u - nd e y with which I first aceopt -e d 
undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the 
proper occasion.—In the discharge of this trust, I will 
only say, that I have, with good intentions, con¬ 
tributed -te- towards the organization and administra¬ 
tion of the government, the best exertions of which 
a very fallible judgment was capable.—Not uncon¬ 
scious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my quali¬ 
fications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps 
still more in the eyes of others, has tt ot iGsocned - 
strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself ; and 
every day the increasing weight of years admonishes 
me more and more, that the shade of retirement is 
as necessary to me as it will be welcome.—Satisfied, 
that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value 

services, they, under the existing circumstances of our country, 
will not disapprove the resolution I have formed. 

The impressions under which I first accepted the arduous 
trust of Chief Magistrate of the United States were explained on 
the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I can only 
say that I have, with pure intentions, contributed towards the 
organization and administration of the government the best exer¬ 
tions of which a very fallible judgment was capable ; that con¬ 
scious at the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, for the 
station, experience in my own eyes, and perhaps still more in 
those of others, has not diminished in me the diffidence of myself 
—and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me 
more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary as it 
will be welcome to me. Satisfied that if any circumstances have 
given a peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I 











282 THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


to my services, they were temporary, I have the con¬ 
solation to believe, that, while choice and prudence 
invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does 
not forbid it. 

Moy I aloo hav -e -that of - knowing -4 n - n;*y- 4 r€ t tre a t ; 

that" the involuntary e rror sr I — have probably - com * 

mitt e df hav e b ^^ n-the s ource s of - no -e eriou s- or la s t i n g 

miochi e f - to - -our country, —I— may then expect-to. 

r e alia e i without —a lloy; - th e s w ee t enjoyment of par * 

taking, in tho midot of my-f e llow citia e nst th e b e ft i g ft- 

influence - of good - law s und e r a fr ee government ; ■ th e> 

w e r favorite object of my h e artland th e happy r e ward; 

■ I trust, of - our mutual car e e^ dang e r e-a nd l a bouP St^ 

In looking forward to the moment, which is in¬ 
tended to terminate the career of my public life, my 
feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep ac¬ 
knowledgment d e manded by of that debt of gratitude, 


have the consolation to believe that while inclination and pru¬ 
dence urge me to recede from the political scene, patriotism does 
not forbid it. May I also have that of knowing in my retreat, 
that the involuntary errors which I have probably committed 
have been the causes of no serious or lasting mischief to my 
country, and thus be spared the anguish of regrets which would 
disturb the repose of my retreat and embitter the remnant of my 
life ! I may then expect to realize, without alloy, the pure en¬ 
joyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens^of the 
benign influence of good laws under a free government ; the ulti¬ 
mate object of all my wishes, and to which I look as the happy 
reward of our mutual labors and dangers. 

In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the 

^ On the margin against this paragraph Washington wrote, “obliterated to 
avoid the imputation of affected modesty.” 

















1796] 


GEORGE WASHINGTON. 


283 


which I owe to my beloved country,—for the many 
honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the 
stedfast confidence with which it has supported me; 
and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of 
manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services 
faithful and persevering, though unequal-in up e fulnoGS - 
in usefulness unequal to my zeal.— If benefits have re¬ 
sulted to our country from these services, let it always 
be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive 
example in our annals, that ^ho ■ conotancy of your 
-s upport under circumstances in which the Passions 
agitated in every direction were liable to w ando r 
•and— fiuctuatc mislead, amidst appearances some¬ 
times dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discour- 
situations in which not unfrequently want 
of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, 
the constancy of your support was the essential prop 


career of my public life, my sensations do not permit me to sus¬ 
pend the deep acknowledgments required by that debt of grati¬ 
tude, which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it 
has conferred upon me, still more for the distinguished and 
steadfast confidence it has reposed in me, and for the opportuni¬ 
ties it has thus afforded me of manifesting my inviolable attach¬ 
ment, by services faithful and persevering—however the inade¬ 
quateness of my faculties may have ill seconded my zeal. If 
benefits have resulted to you, my fellow citizens, from these 
services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an 
instructive example in our annals, that the constancy of your 
support amidst appearances dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often 
discouraging, and in situations in which not unfrequently, want 
of success has seconded the criticisms of malevolence, was the 
essential prop of the efforts and the guaranty of the measures by 
which they were achieved. 














284 the writings OF [1796 


of the efforts, and -the a guarantee of the plans by 
which they were effected.—Profoundly penetrated 
with this idea, I shall carry it with me to the grave, 
as a strong incitement to unceasing vows -t he only re 
turn ! - ean hcncoferth make that Heaven may continue 
to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that 
your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual 
—that the free constitution, which is the work of your 
hands, may be sacredly maintained—that its adminis¬ 
tration in every department may be stamped with wis¬ 
dom and virtue—that, in fine, the happiness of the 
people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, 
may be made complete, by so careful a preservation 
and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to 
them the glory or oatiofaction of recommending it to 
the applause, the affection, and adoption of every 
nation, which is yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop.—But a solicitude 

Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to 
my retirement, and to my grave, as a lively incitement to unceas¬ 
ing vows (the only returns I can henceforth make) that Heaven 
may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence, 
merited by national piety and morality ; that your union and 
brotherly affection may be perpetual ;^that the free Constitution, 
which is the work of your own hands, may be sacredly main¬ 
tained ;( that its administration in every department may be 
stamped with wisdom and virtue ; that, in fine, the happiness of 
the people of these States under the auspices of liberty may be 
made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a 
use of this blessing, as will acquire them the glorious satisfaction 
of recommending it to the affection, the praise, and the adoption 
of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop, but a solicitude for your welfare, 









1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 285 


for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, 
and the apprehension of danger, natural to that so¬ 
licitude, e neouraged - by the romombratKi e' -o f- your in 
ckdgont-roooption -of my oontimonto -'- on H^n - H>eoaQ ' i - on 

not diooknilar to - the pr e sent, - urg e m e to off e r urge 

me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your 
solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your 
frequent review, some sentiments; which are the re¬ 
sult of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observa¬ 
tion and "exp e ri e ncQ) and which appear to me all 
important to the permanency of your felicity as a 
People.—These will be offered to you with the more 
freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested 
warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have 
no personal motive to bias his counsels.—Nor can I 
forget, as an encouragement to it your indulgent re¬ 
ception of my sentiments on a former and not dis¬ 
similar occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every 
ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of 

which cannot end but with my life, and the fear that there may 
exist projects unfriendly to it, against which it may be necessary 
you should be guarded, urge me in taking leave of you to offer 
to your solemn consideration and frequent review, some senti¬ 
ments, the result of mature reflection confirmed by observation 
and experience, which appear to me essential to the permanency 
of your felicity as a people. These will be offered with the more 
freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested advice of 
a parting friend, who can have no personal motive to tincture or 
bias his counsel. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every fibre of your 
hearts, no recommendation is necessary to fortify your attach¬ 
ment TO IT. Next to this, that unity of government which con- 











286 THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attach¬ 
ment.— 

The Unity of Government which constitutes you 
one people, is also now dear to you.—It is justly so ; 
—for it is a main Pillar in the Edifice of your real 
independence ; the support of your tranquillity at 
home; your peace abroad ; of your safety in every 
r e lation ; of your prosperity in every shape; of 
that very Liberty, which you so highly prize.—But 
as it is easy to foresee, that, from variouQ - differ¬ 
ent causes, and from different quarters, much pains 
will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in 
your minds the conviction of this truth ;—as this is 
the point in your political fortress against which the 
batteries of internal and external enemies will be 
most constantly and actively (though often covertly 
and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, 
that you should properly estimate the immense value 
of your national Union to your collective and indi¬ 
vidual happiness ;—that you should cherish towards it 
a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment -t hat - 
you okould a - GOu s tom ^rpur s elves to reverenc e it ao the 

Palladium of your political safety and prosp e rity, adgpt - 


stitutes you as one people, claims your vigilant care and guardian¬ 
ship—as a main pillar of your real independence, of your peace, 
safety, freedom, and happiness. 

This being the point in your political fortress against which 
the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most con¬ 
stantly and actively, however covertly and insidiously levelled, 
it is of the utmost importance that you should appreciate, in its 
full force, the immense value of your political union to your 
national and individual happiness, that you should cherish 












1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 287 


* ng conotantly your words and act i ons to that mom^n - 

that you ohould watch for ito proo e rvafek)n 

W 4 th joalouo anxi e ty, diGCOunt e nanc e whatever - may 

s ugg e ct ' - a - suspicion — it - can - in - any e v e nt b e 

■ abandon e d - ; -- and frown upoft - th e firot dawnlng - o f- 

a ny attonftpt to alienat e- any portion of our Country - 

- from th e -r e ot, or, to enfeeble tho - eacrod ti e s which - 

- now linb - tog e ther tho ooveral parto to it: accustom¬ 
ing yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Pal¬ 
ladium of your political safety and prosperity; 
watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; 
discountenancing whatever may suggest even a 
suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and 
indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every 
attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from 
the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now 
link together the various parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sympathy 
and interest.—Citizens -e f a common - country —by- 
birth or chuic rr by birth or choice of a common 
country, that country has a right to concentrate your 
affections.—The name of American, which belongs 
to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt 

towards it an affectionate and immovable attachment, and that 
you should watch for its preservation with zealous solicitude. 

For this, you have every motive of sympathy and interest. 
Children for the most part of a common country, that country 
claims and ought to concentrate your affections. The name of 
American must always gratify and exalt the just pride of patriotism 
more than any denomination which can be derived from local dis¬ 
criminations. You have, with slight shades of difference, the same 
religion, manners, habits and political institutions and principles ; 

















288 THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appella¬ 
tion to bo derived from local discriminations.—With 
slight shades of difference, you have the same Re¬ 
ligion, Manners, Habits, and political Principles.— 
You have in a common cause fought and triumphed 
together. The Independence and Liberty you pos¬ 
sess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts 
—of common dangers, sufferings and successes.— 

But these considerations, however powerfully they 
address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly 
outweighed by those, which apply more immediately 
to your Interest.—Here every portion of our country 
finds the most commanding motives for carefully 
guarding and preserving the Union of the whole. 

The North in an ^ - fottere d- unrestrained inter¬ 
course with the South, protected by the equal Laws 
of a common government, finds in the productions 
of the latter many - of -t ho poculiar great additional 
resources of maritime and commercial enterprise— 

you have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together. 
The independence and liberty you enjoy are the work of joint 
councils, efforts, dangers, sufferings, and successes. By your 
union you have achieved them, by your union you will most 
effectually maintain them. 

The considerations which address themselves to your sensi¬ 
bility are greatly strengthened by those which apply to your 
interest. Here, every portion of our country will find the most 
urgent and commanding motives for guarding and preserving the 
union of the whole. 

The North, in intercourse with the South, under the equal 
laws of one government, will, in the productions of the latter, 
many of them peculiar, find vast additional resources of mari¬ 
time and commercial enterprise. The South, in the same inter- 










1796] 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

289 


and precious materials of manufacturing industry. 
—The South in the same intercourse, benefiting 
by the agency of the Northy sees its agriculture 
grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly 
into its own channels the seamen of the Northy 
it finds its particular navigation envigorated ;—and, 
while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish 
and increase the general mass of the national naviga¬ 
tion, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime 
strength to which itself is unequally adapted.—The 
Easty in a like intercourse with the Westy already 
finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior 
communications, by land and water, will more and 
more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which 
it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home.— 
The West derives from the East supplies requisite to 
its growth and comfort,—and what is perhaps of still 
greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the 
secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own 


course, will share in the benefits of the agency of the North, will 
find its agriculture promoted and its commerce extended by 
turning into its own channels those means of navigation which 
the North more abundantly affords ; and while it contributes to 
extend the national navigation, will participate in the protection 
of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. 
The East, in a like intercourse with the West, finds a valuable 
vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manu¬ 
factures at home. The West derives through this channel an 
essential supply of its wants ; and what is far more important to 
it, it must owe the secure and permanent enjoyment of the 
indispensable outlets, for its own productions to the weight, 
influence, and maritime resources of the Atlantic States. The 
tenure by which it could hold this advantage, either from its 

19 






290 


THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


productions to the weight, influence, and the future 
maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, 
directed by an indissoluble community of interest, as 
one Nation. —Any other tenure by which the West 
can hold this essential advantage, e k - h ei:- whether 
derived from its own separate strength, or from an 
apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign 
Power, must be intrinsically precarious, lia - bfo - ^very 
nvom e nt to b ^ disturb e d by th^ - fluctuating combina 

■ tlonfi" of th e- primary - int e refits - of - Europ e ,—w - hich - miH^ - 

, b e-^ xp e ct e d - to -- r e gulat e' th e conduct of - th e Nat i ons of 

wh i oh-it io compoG e d. 

And While then every part of our Country thus fmds 
feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all 
theparts of-it combined cannot - fa i l to find^ ih the united 
mass of means and efforts cannot fail to find greater 
strength, greater resource, proportionably greater 
security from external danger, a less frequent inter¬ 
ruption of their Peace by foreign Nations ; and, which 
■ k) an ad v^ antage what is of inestimable value ! they 
must derive from Union an exemption from those 

own separate strength, or by an apostate and unnatural connection 
with any foreign nation, must be intrinsically and necessarily 
precarious, at every moment liable to be disturbed by the combi¬ 
nations of those primary interests which constantly regulate the 
conduct of every portion of Europe,—and where every part finds 
a particular interest in the Union. All the parts of our country 
will find in their Union strength, proportional security from 
external danger, less frequent interruption of their peace with 
foreign nations ; and what is far more valuable, an exemption 
from those broils and wars between the parts if disunited, which, 
then, our rivalships, fomented by foreign intrigue or the opposite 

















1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON, 


broils and wars between themselves, which inevitably 
so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied 
together by the same government; which their own 
rivalships alone would be sufflcient to produce ; but 
which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and 
intrigues would stimulate and embitter.—Hence like¬ 
wise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown 
Military establishments, which under any form of 
government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which 
^oro io - reacon to r e gar 4 are to be regarded as par¬ 
ticularly hostile to Republican Liberty : In this sense 
it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a 
main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the 
one ought to endear to you the preservation of the 
other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive language to 
•a4iy every reflecting and virtuous mind,—and they ex¬ 
hibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object 
of Patriotic desire.—Is there a doubt, whether a com¬ 
mon government can embrace so large a sphere ?— 
Let experience solve it.—To listen to mere speculation 

alliances with foreign nations engendered by their mutual 
jealousies, would inevitably produce. 

These considerations speak a conclusive language to every 
virtuous and considerate mind. They place the continuance o^ 
tj" Conr union among the first objects of patriotic desire. Is there a) 
doubt whether a common government can long embrace so 
extensive a sphere ? Let time and experience decide the question. 
Speculation in such a case ought not to be listened to. And’t is 
rational to hope that the auxiliary governments of the sub¬ 
divisions, with a proper organization of the whole, will secure a 
favorable issue to the experiment. 'T is allowable to believe that 









292 

THE WRITINGS OF 

[1796 


in such a case were criminal.—’^ io na -t ur al- We are 
authorized to hope that a proper organization of the 
whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the 
respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to 
the experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full experi¬ 
ment It ma - y nf»t - impoGGibly bo found, that-th e 
s pirit of party,”th e- machinationo - of for e ign-p0 - w e r » , 

th e eorri t pt i oft - and - ambition of - ind i vidua l citizeiis - ar e 

fflor e formidabl e adv e rsari e s to-th e Unity of -our 

E r mpiro than - any inherent ■ diffiGultioo -i n - tho - Gohom er 

Agai - not theoo thcnno w nd s of rK»tional opinion, natioRal 

sympathyHind na 4- ional jealou s y -- ought to bo raised. 

With siich powerful and obvious motives to Union,-as- 
affecting all parts .of our country h etvo, while experi¬ 
ence shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, 
there will always be reason Gaee e- in - th e fact itself to 
distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter 
may endeavor to weaken its bands.— 

• B e sid e fr - tho more oorious cauo e o - alr e ady - hint e d ao 

^roatoning our Union) ther e io on e- l e ss "dang e rous, - 

the spirit of party, the intrigues of foreign nations, the corruption 
and the ambition of individuals, are likely to prove more 
formidable adversaries to the unity of our empire, than any 
inherent difficulties in the scheme. ’T is against these that the 
guards of national opinion, national sympathy, national prudence 
and virtue, are to be erected. With such obvious motives to 
union, there will be always cause from the fact itself to distrust 
the patriotism of those who may endeavor to weaken its bands. 
And by all the love I bear you, my fellow-citizens, I conjure you, 
as often as it appears, to frown upon the attempt. 

Besides the more serious causes which have been hinted at as 
endangering our Union, there is another less dangerous, but 
against which it is necessary to be on our guard ; I mean the 


















1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 


tKit - Guffici e ntly dangorouQ - to - mako it - prudent to bo 

tf pon - our guard agawot -t t :— I allude - to the pctulcwic 

of-party ■ diff e rGne e G - of opinion, — It is - oot - 

4 0 - b o ar - tho irrtta - t 4 ono - which - 4 - h e GG " OKokQ vent them - 

selvoo ia - doclarat -! ono that - the-diffiefcnt parto of the 

IJok o d-S - tatQQ are ill afTGot o d -- to - ea^ othefi - in m e !> 

o oG &- that th e Un i on wii 4 -b e- dioQolvGd by thio or that 

m e aGur e . — I - n ti- mations lik o- th e s e ar e- aG indiocre e t as . 

t h e y ar e 4nt e mperat e . - Though — frequently - mad e 

wkb - l e v 4 ty and without - any r e ally e vd intention, th e y 

hav e a t e nd e ncy to produc e - th e- cono e qu e nce which 

t - h e y - i ndicat e , — Th e y - t e ach the mindo—of—m e n to 

conoid e r th e Union a s- pr e cariouQ - ; — aoKm - obj e ct - to 

which they ought not to attach — t - h e ir - hop e G - ^HHi - for " 

tun e o; — and th ee chill-th e G e ntiment in itG -- favor; 

By alarming — the - prid e- of thoo e to hvhonv- fe hey aye > 

addr e GGod, th e y oet ing e nuity at -- wor - k - to - d e pr e c - y e 

the - valu e of the thing, and - to - diocov e r Hio aoon& ^ ofr 

indifferenoQ towardo itr— T h- ie e Q not wioe. ■— I - t will - be 

muclvwiG e r to habituate ourG e lv es -to - rev e r e nc e th e 

t __ 

petulance of party differences of opinion. It is not uncommon 
to hear the irritations which these excite, vent themselves in 
declarations that the different parts of the Union are ill assorted 
and cannot remain together,—in menaces from the inhabitants of 
one part to those of another, that it will be dissolved by this or 
that measure. Intimations of the kind are as indiscreet as they 
are intemperate. Though frequently made with levity and with¬ 
out being in earnest, they have a tendency to produce the con¬ 
sequence which they indicate. They teach the minds of men 
to consider the Union as precarious, as an object to which they 
are not to attach their hopes and fortunes, and thus weaken the 
sentiment in its favor. By rousing the resentment and alarming 
the pride of those to whom they are addressed, they set ingenuity 



























294 


THE WRITINGS OF 


[1796 


Ut>ion - ao the pallodium - of our national - happin es & -T 

■ tcHaocommodate-con s tantly - our words and actions - to 

that — id e a, -and to discount e na ft ^ ^— what e v ef— may- 

ougg e ot a - fiuopicion that it-can — in any ovent-b e . 

abandoned; ^ 

In contemplating the causes which may dis¬ 
turb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious con¬ 
cern, that our - parti es- for - som e tim e past - have-b ee n 
^ eo-much - charact e riz e d by any ground should have 
been furnished for characterizing parties by Geo- 
graphical discriminations —Northern and Southern 
—Atlantic and Western; whence designing men 
may endeavor to excite a belief, that there is 
real difference of local interests and views. T - hooo - 
diseFHiiinations, — th e m e r e contrivanc e of-t l ^- s pirit 

of P - art-y;« - (alwayo d e ict e rouo to oeizo Gvory - handle 

by ■ which - tho paooions - can —be— wi e kl e <i ;—a n^—too 

okilful not to turn to account th e oympatby of neigh - 


to work to deprecate the value of the object, and to discover 
motives of indifference to it. This is not wise. Prudence 
demands that we should habituate ourselves in all our words and 
actions to reverence the Union as a sacred and inviolable palla¬ 
dium of our happiness, and should discountenance whatever can 
lead to a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned. 

'T is matter of serious concern that parties in this country for 
some time past have been too much characterized by geographical 
discriminations,—northern and southern States, Atlantic and 
western country. These discriminations, which are the mere 
artifice of the spirit of party (always dexterous to avail itself of 
every source of sympathy, of every handle by which the passions 
can be taken hold of, and which has been careful to turn to 


* In the margin against this paragraph is written “Not important enough.' 






















1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 295 


borhood);- have - furnieh e d - an argument - against - th e 

U - i>H>n ao ’ ovidonoe of a real diff e r e nc e of -l ooe d- intep 

eots ^ and v i ewQ ; and OGrvo to - hftgard - it by orgawa t ag 

l arg e r dtetricto of countryv und e r - the -leaders-of - con - 

• t -e nding - factiono ■ ; whose- rlvalohipG, -pyrcjudiccQ and 

s eh e meo - of ambition, rath e r than th «- tra e int e r e sts of 

tho^ountry, will dir e et the uoe- of their t fiflu e nc e . 

If 4t b e poe &l b - le. to oorreot - fehie poison in th e habit of 

■ our body - po l kio, it 10 worthy th^ efidoavoro of ^ tho, 

■ madorat e^ and - ^ho good-to e ff e e t —k; One of the 
expedients of Party to acquire -influence, within 
particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions 
and aims of other districts.—You cannot shield your¬ 
selves too much against the jealousies and heart 
burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; 
—They tend to render alien to each other those who 
ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.— 
The inhabitants of our Western country have lately 

account the circumstance of territorial vicinity), have furnished 
an argument against the Union as evidence of a real difference 
of local interests and views, and serve to hazard it by organizing 
large districts of coun^try under the direction of different factions 
whose passions and prejudices, rather than the true interests of 
the country, will be too apt to regulate the use of their influence. 
If it be possible to correct this poison in the affairs of our 
country, it is worthy the best endeavors of moderate and virtuous 
men to effect it. 

One of the expedients which the partizans of faction employ 
towards strengthening their influence by local discriminations, is 
to misrepresent the opinions and views of rival districts. The 
people at large cannot be too much on their guard against the 
jealousies which grow out of these misrepresentations. They 
tend to render aliens to each other those who ought to be tied 
















296 THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


had a useful lesson on this subj e ct head.—They have 
seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the 
unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty 
with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that 
event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof 
how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among 
them of a policy in the General Government and in 
the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in 
regard to the Mississippi. —They have been witnesses 
to the formation of two Treaties, that with G. Britain, 
and that with Spain, which secure to them every 
thing they could desire, in respect to our Foreign 
Relations, towards confirming their prosperity.—Will 
it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of 
these advantages on the Union by which they were 
procured ?—Will they not henceforth be deaf to those 
advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from 
their Brethren, and connect them with Aliens ?— 

together by fraternal affection. The people of the western 
country have lately had a useful lesson on this subject. They have 
seen in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous 
ratification of the treaty with Spain by the Senate, and in the 
universal satisfaction at that event in all parts of the country, 
a decisive proof how unfounded have been the suspicions 
instilled in them of a policy in the Atlantic States, and in the 
different departments of the general government, hostile to their 
interests in relation to the Mississippi. They have seen two 
treaties formed which secure to them every thing that they could 
desire to confirm their prosperity. Will they not henceforth 
rely for the preservation of these advantages on that Union by 
which they were procured ? Will they not reject those counsel¬ 
lors who would render them alien to their brethren and connect 
them with aliens ? 









1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 297 

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a 
Government for the whole is indispensable.—No 
alliances however strict between the parts can be an 
adequate substitute.—They must inevitably experi¬ 
ence the infractions and interruptions which all 
alliances in all times have experienced.—Sensible of 
this momentous truth, you have improved upon your 
first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of 
Government, better calculated than your former for 
an intimate Union, and for the efficacious manage¬ 
ment of your common concerns.—This government, 
the offspring of our own choice uninfluenced and 
unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature 
deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the 
distribution of its powers, uniting security with 
energy, and containing within itself a provision for 
its own amendment, has a just claim to your confi¬ 
dence and your support.—Respect for its authority, 

To the duration and efficacy of your Union, a government ex¬ 
tending over the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however 
strict between the parts, could be an adequate substitute. These 
could not fail to be liable to the infractions and interruptions 
which all alliances in all times have suffered. Sensible of this 
important truth, you have lately established a Constitution of 
general government, better calculated than the former for an 
intimate union, and more adequate to the duration of your com¬ 
mon concerns. This government, the offspring of your own 
choice, uninfluenced and unawed, completely free in its principles, 
in the distribution of its powers, uniting energy with safety, and 
containing in itself a provision for its own amendment, is well 
entitled to your confidence and support. Respect for its 
authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, 
are duties dictated by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. 








298 THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


compliance with its Laws, acquiescence in its meas¬ 
ures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims 
of true Liberty.—The basis of our political systems 
is the right of the people to make and to alter their 
Constitutions of Government.—But the Constitution 
which at any time exists, ’till changed by an explicit 
and authentic act of the whole People, is sacredly 
obligatory upon all.—The very idea of the power 
and the right of the People to establish Government, 
presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the 
established Government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all 
combinations and associations, under whatever plausi¬ 
ble character, with the real design to direct, controul, 
counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action 
of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this 
fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency.—They 
serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and 
extraordinary force—to put in the place of the dele- 

The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to 
make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the 
Constitution for the time, and until changed by an explicit and 
authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly binding upon all. 
The very idea of the right and power of the people to establish 
government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey 
the established government. V 

- All obstructions to the execution of the laws,—all combinations 
Tand associations, under whatever plausible character, with the 
^ 5 real design to counteract, control, or awe the regular action of 
; the constituted authorities, are contrary to this fundamental 
principle, and of the most fatal tendency. They serve to organ- 
V ize faction, and to put in the stead of the delegated will of the 
/whole nation the will of a party, often a small minority of the 






1796] 


GEORGE WASHINGTON. 


299 


gated will of the Nation, the will of a party ;—often a 
small but artful and enterprizing minority of the 
community;—and, according to the alternate triumphs 
of different parties, to make the public administration 
the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous pro¬ 
jects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent 
and wholesome plans digested by common councils, 
and modified by mutual interests.—However combi¬ 
nations or associations of the above description may 
now and then answer popular ends, and purpooGo . they 
are likely, in the course of time andthings, to become 
potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and un¬ 
principled men will be enabled to subvert the Power 
of the People and to usurp for themselves the reins 
of Government ; destroying afterwards the very 
engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion.— 
Towards the preservation of your Government and 
the permanency of your present happy state, it is 
requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance 

whole community ; and according to the alternate triumph of 
different parties to make the public administration reflect the 
schemes and projects of faction rather than the wholesome plans 
of common councils and deliberations. However combinations or'^ 
associations of this description may occasionally promote popular 
ends and purposes, they are likely to produce, in the course of time 
and things, the most effectual engines by which artful, ambitious,^ 
and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power o^^ 
the people and usurp the reins of government. 

Towards the preservation of your government and the perma¬ 
nency of your present happy state, it is not only requisite that you 
steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its authority, but 
that you should be upon your guard against the spirit of innova¬ 
tion upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One 











300 

THE WRITINGS OF 

[1796 


irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, 
but also that you resist with care ^ the spirit of innova¬ 
tion upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. 
—One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms 
of the Constitution, alterations which will impair 
the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what 
cannot be directly overthrown.—In all the changes to 
which you may be invited, remember that time and 
habit are at least as necessary to fix the true charac¬ 
ter of Governments, as of other human institutions— 
that experience is the surest standard, by which to 
test the real tendency of the existing Constitution of 
a Country—that facility in changes upon the credit 
of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual 
change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and 
opinion :—and remember, especially, that, for the effi¬ 
cient'management of your common interests, in a 
country so extensive as ours, a Government of as 
much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security 
of Liberty is indispensable.—Liberty itself will find in 


method of assault may be to effect alterations in the forms of the 
Constitution tending to impair the energy of the system, and so 
to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the 
changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and 
habit are as necessary to fix the true character of governments 
as of any other human institutions; that experience is the surest 
standard by which the real tendency of existing constitutions of 
government can be tried ; that changes upon the credit of mere 
hypothesis and opinion expose you to perpetual change from the 
successive and endless variety of hypothesis and opinion. And 
remember also, that for the efficacious management of your com¬ 
mon interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of 
as much force and strength as is consistent with the perfect 






1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 301 


such a Government, with powers properly distributed 
and adjusted, its surest Guardian.—It is, indeed, little 
else than a name, where the Government is too feeble 
to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each 
member of the society within the limits prescribed 
by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and 
tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and prop¬ 
erty. Owing to you ao I do a frank and fr ee dis - 
clocKiwo of my heart, I ohall not oonooal from you the 

belief I ontortain, that your Govornment - as at pr e s e nt 

e onotitut e d io far mor e Uk e ly to - prov e too f ee bl e than 

too - powerful! 

I have already intimated to you the danger of 
Parties in the State, with particular reference to the 
founding of them on Geographical discriminations.— 
Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and 
warn you in the most solemn manner against the 
baneful effects of the Spirit of Party, generally. 

This Spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from 
human - our nature, having its root in the strongest 

security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in 
such a government, with powers properly distributed and ar¬ 
ranged, its surest guardian and protector. In my opinion, the 
real danger in our system is, that the general government, organ¬ 
ized as at present, will prove too weak rather than too powerful. 

I have already observed the danger to be apprehended from 
founding our parties on geographical discriminations. Let me 
now enlarge the view of this point, and caution you in the most 
solemn manner against the baneful effects of party spirit in 
general. This spirit unfortunately is inseparable from human 
nature, and has its root in the strongest passions of the human 
heart. It exists under different shapes in all governments, but 
in those of the popular form it is always seen in its utmost 












THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


passions of the human mind.—It exists under differ¬ 
ent shapes in all Governments, more or less stifled, 
controuled, or repressed ; but, in those of the popu¬ 
lar form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is 
truly their worst enemy.— 

l 4 > . R e pubIicG - of narrow e xt e nt^ it id not difficult f e r 

thoo e- w - ho at any - tim e- ho l d th e r e ins of-Powen and 

command tho-ordinary - publio" favor, - to - ov e rturn th ^ 

Gotftbl i ohod ' Gonotitution - in-favor of their ag-* 

grand w omonti The sam e thi - n g- may lik e wise b e- too 

often - aooomplipbod in ouch R e publics r- by partial - con^ 

binationoof monrwlKH; - kough - iK)t - in office, from bir - th , 

riohos or other oottfc -os of di sfe wKitiont have OKtraordi ^ 

nary influonoo-a - nd num e r - ouo adher e nt s —« 

■ By^ e bauohing th e- Military force/ by surpw s ing - eom o 

commanding cita4Qi> by - oomo oth e r - sudden and - un 

fof e aoon movement the fate ^ ef thc Republic iodoe i dcd . 

- Butin Republics ' of large extent^ usurp a tion-can - 

s carc e ly mak e it s way through—th e s e av e nu e s. —Tbe 

- pow e rs and — opportunki es -of — r e sistanc e of- a - wid e 

vigor and rankness, and is their worst enemy. In republics of 
narrow extent, it is not difficult for those who at any time pos¬ 
sess the reins of administration, or even for partial combinations 
of men, who from birth, riches, and other sources of distinction 
have an extraordinary influence, by possessing or acquiring the 
direction of the military force, or by sudden efforts of partisans 
and followers, to overturn the established order of things, and 
effect a usurpation. But in republics of large extent, the one or 
the other is scarcely possible. The powers and opportunities of 
resistance of a numerous and wide-extended nation defy the 
successful efforts of the ordinary military force, or of any col¬ 
lections which wealth and patronage may call to their aid, espe¬ 
cially if there be no city of overbearing force, resources, and 
























1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON, 


303 


■e xtended and num e rouc nationi » d e fy - 4:b ^- cucc e GGfur 

efiforto of the ordinary Militery4oroo, or of any - eolloo * 

tions which wealth and patronago - may Gc d l ^ o - their - aid. 

— k> - ouoh Pcopublicor it io - oaf e 4oQ66 e yt H : - hat th e- oon « 

flkito of popular faetiono are the ohi e f r- if not th e only 

4 fdeto, of - UQurpation and Tyranny, 

The alternate domination of one faction over an¬ 
other, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to 
party dissension, which in different ages and countries 
has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself 
a frightful despotism.—But this leads at length to a 
more formal and permanent despotism.—The disor¬ 
ders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the 
minds of men to seek security and repose in the ab¬ 
solute power of an Individual : and sooner or later 
the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or 
more fortunate than his competitors, turns this dispo¬ 
sition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins 
of Public Liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this 

influence. In such republics it is perhaps safe to assert that 
the conflicts of popular faction offer the only avenues to tyranny 
and usurpation. The domination of one faction over another, 
stimulated by that spirit of revenge which is apt to be gradually 
engendered, and which in different ages and countries has pro¬ 
duced the greatest enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. 
But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent des¬ 
potism. The disorders and miseries which result predispose the 
minds of men to seek repose and security in the absolute power 
of a single man. And the leader of a prevailing faction, more 
able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition 
to the purpose of an ambitious and criminal self-aggrandizement. 
Without looking forward to such an extremity (which, however, 












THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely 
out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of 
the spirit of Party are sufficient to make it the in¬ 
terest and duty of a wise People to discourage and 
restrain it.— 

It serves always to distract the Public Councils, 
and enfeeble the Public administration.—It agitates 
the community with ill founded jealousies and false 
alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against an¬ 
other, foments occasionally riot and insurrection.—It 
opens the doors to foreign influence and corruption, 
which find a facilitated access to the Government it- 
sdf through the channels of party passions, th r ough 
tho ' ohan ft olo of party paooiono. It fr e qu e n t ly sub je cto 

t he policy of our own country-to the policy of oon^ e 

■ foreign country, and oven enol^v e s - th ^ wiH-o £ our 

Government to the will of ooine foreign Gov e rnm e nt 

Thus the policy and the will of one country, are sub¬ 
jected to the policy and will of another. 

ought not to be out of sight), the ordinary and continual mischiefs 
of the spirit of party make it the interest and the duty of a wise 
people, to discountenance and repress it. 

It serves always to distract the councils and enfeeble the 
administration of the government. It agitates the community 
with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms. It opens inlets for 
foreign corruption and influence, which find an easy access 
through the channels of party passions, and causes the true policy 
and interest of our own country to be made subservient to the 
policy and interest of one and another foreign nation, sometimes 
enslaving our own government to the will of a foreign government. 

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are salutary 
checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to 
invigorate the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is 











1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 


There is an opinion that parties in free countries 
are useful checks upon the Administration of the 
Government, and serve to keep alive the Spirit of 
Liberty.—This within certain limits is probably true 
—and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriot¬ 
ism may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon 
the spirit of party.—But in those of the popular char¬ 
acter, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit 
not to be encouraged.—From their natural tendency, 
it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit 
for every salutary purpose,—and there being constant 
danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of 
public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it.—A fire 
not to be quenched ; it demands a uniform vigilance 
to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, it should not 
only warm, but instead of warming, it should consume. 

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking 
in a free country should inspire caution in those en¬ 
trusted with its administration, to confine themselves 

true ; and in governments of a monarchical character or bias, 
patriotism may look with some favor on the spirit of party. But 
in those of the popular kind, in those purely elective, it is a spirit 
not to be fostered or encouraged. From the natural tendency of 
such governments, it is certain there will always be enough of it\ 
for every salutary purpose, and there being constant danger of 
excess, the effort ought to be, by the force of public opinion, to 
mitigate and correct it. ’T is a fire which cannot be quenched, 
but demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a 
flame—lest it should not only warm but consume. 

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking of the 
people should tend to produce caution in their public agents in the 
several departments of government, to retain each within its 
proper sphere, and not to permit one to encroach upon another; 









306 

THE WRITINGS OF 

[1796 


within their respective constitutional spheres ; avoid¬ 
ing in the exercise of the powers of one department 
to encroach upon another.—The spirit of encroach¬ 
ment tends to consolidate the powers of all the depart¬ 
ments in one, and thus to create, und^ whatever the 
form of government, a real formo r Q despotism.—A just 
estimate of that love of power, and proneness to 
abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is suf¬ 
ficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position.—The 
necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of politi¬ 
cal power, by dividing and distributing it into different 
depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of 
the Public Weal ^om - against invasions by the others, 
has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern ; 
some of them in our country and under our own eyes. 
—To preserve them must be as necessary as to in¬ 
stitute them. If in the opinion of the People, the 
distribution or modification of the Constitutional 
powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected 

that every attempt of the kind, from whatever quarter, should 
meet with the discountenance of the community, and that, in every 
case in which a precedent of encroachment shall have been given, 
a corrective be sought in [revocation be effected by] a careful 
attention to the next choice of public agents. The spirit ot 
encroachment tends to absorb the powers of the several branches 
and departments into one, and thus to establish, under whatever 
form, a despotism. A just knowledge of the human heart, of 
that love of power which predominates in it, is alone sufficient 
to establish this truth. Experiments, ancient and modern, 
some in our own country, and under our own eyes, serve to 
confirm it. If, in the public opinion, the distribution of the 
constitutional powers be in any instance wrong, or inexpedient, 
let it be corrected by the authority of the people in a legitimate 








1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 


307 


by an amendment in the way which the Constitution 
designates.—But let there be no change by usurpa¬ 
tion ; for though this, in one instance, may be the 
instrument of good, it is the ucual and natural cus¬ 
tomary weapon by which free governments are de¬ 
stroyed.—The precedent ef its us e-must always greatly 
overbalance in permanent evil any partial or - tempo - 
transient benefit which the use - k e el^ can at any 
time yield.— 

Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to 
political prosperity. Religion and morality are indis¬ 
pensable supports.—In vain would that man claim 
the tribute of Patriotism, who should labour to sub¬ 
vert these great Pillars of human happiness, these 
firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens.— 
The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought 
to respect and to cherish them.—A volume could not 
trace all their connexions with private and public 
felicity.—Let it simply be asked where is the security 

constitutional course. Let there be no change by usurpation, for 
though this may be the instrument of good in one instance, it is 
the ordinary instrument of the destruction of free government— 
and the influence of the precedent is always infinitely more per¬ 
nicious than any thing which it may achieve can be beneficial.- -. 

In all those dispositions which promote political happiness,' 
religion and morality are essential props. In vain does he claim \ 
the praise of patriotism, who labors to subvert or undermine these j 
great pillars of human happiness, these firmest foundations of th^ 
duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the( 
pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could! 
not trace all their connections with private and public happiness, i 

Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for 
reputation, for life, if the sense of moral and religious obligation 









3 o 8 the writings OF [1796 


for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of 
religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the 
instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? 
And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that 
morality can be maintained without religion.—What¬ 
ever may be conceded to the influence of refined 
education on minds of peculiar structure—reason 
and experience both forbid us to expect, that national 
morality can prevail in exclusion of religious prin¬ 
ciple.— 

’T is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a 
necessary spring of popular government.—The rule 
indeed extends with more or less force to every 
species of Free Government.—Who that is a sincere 
friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts 
to shake the foundation of the fabric ?— 

Cultivato industry and-frugality^ ao aux i liariec to 

go^rftoralc and courc ^ oof '- privatQ-Qnd ' public pros 

p e rityi Is th e r e not " r<>om to regrot that our pro 

deserts the oaths which are administered in courts of justice ? 
Nor ought we to flatter ourselves that morality can be separated 
from religion. Concede as much as may be asked to the effect 
of fine education in minds of peculiar structure, can we believe, 
can we in prudence suppose, that national morality can be main¬ 
tained in exclusion of religious principles ? Does it not require 
the aid of a generally received and divinely authoritative religion ? 

’T is essentially true that virtue or morality is a main and 
necessary spring of popular or republican governments. The rule, 
indeed, extends with more or less force to all free governments. 
Who that is a prudent and sincere friend to them, can look with 
indifference on the ravages which are making in the foundation of 
the fabric—religion ? The uncommon means which of late have 
been directed to this fatal end, seem to make it in a particular 









1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON, 309 


p e rHjity-to - e xpQnoQ oxooedo — chi - f - moano ior it - ? —ts- 

tl>QrQ no ^ mor ^ l^xury among ii - o andmorQ diffuoively , 

th - £H>o\Ht - 0 - the act - u<>l"Gtago of our national prog - Feoo - ? 

WhQtQV ' or may be-tho apo 4 og -y" fo f- luxury - in a cou - frt - y y- , 

mertwo w th e which ar e its minifitoro^ and - tj> e 

eouoe of national - opul e nce c - an it promote th e- a^ - 

vQrrtfi ' gQ of a yo^jog country, almoot wholly agr ^ cl^^ - 

tiifal, in -- tho infa - noy of th e arto, an ei e^ rfeainly not-ift 

wealth - ? 

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, 
institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. 
In proportion as the structure of a government gives 
force to public opinion, it is essential that public 
opinion should be enlightened.— 

As a very important source of strength and 
security, cherish public credit.—One method of pre¬ 
serving it is, to use it as 4 k 4 k - sparingly as possible:— 
avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, 
but remembering also that timely disbursements to 


manner the duty of a retiring chief of a nation to warn his 
country against tasting of the poisonous draught. 

/^Cultivate, also, industry and frugality. They are auxiliaries of 
f ^ good morals, and great sources of private and national prosperity. 
Is there not room for regret, that our propensity to expense 
exceeds the maturity of our country for expense ? Is there not 
more luxury among us, in various classes, than suits the actual 
period of our national progress ? Whatever may be the apology 
for luxury in a country mature in all the arts which are its minis¬ 
ters and the means of national opulence—can it promote the 
advantage of a young agricultural country, little advanced in 
manufactures, and not much advanced in wealth ? 
u " Cherish public credit as a means of strength and security. As 
X^one method of preserving it, use it as little as possible. Avoid 















310 


THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater 
disbursements to repel it—avoiding likewise the ac¬ 
cumulation of debt, not only by ave - iding shunning oc¬ 
casions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time 
of Peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable 
wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throw¬ 
ing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves 
ought to bear. The execution of these maxims be¬ 
longs to your Representatives, but it is necessary 
that public opinion should ooincidG cooperate.—To 
facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is 
essential that you should practically bear in mind, that 
towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue 
—that to have Revenue there must be taxes—that no 
taxes can be devised which are not more or less in¬ 
convenient and unpleasant—that the intrinsic em¬ 
barrassment inseparable from the selection of the 
proper objects (which is always a choice of diffi¬ 
culties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid 

occasions of expense by cultivating peace—remembering always 
that the preparation against danger, by timely and provident 
disbursements, is often a means of avoiding greater disburse¬ 
ments to repel it. Avoid the accumulation of debt by avoiding 
occasions of expense, and by vigorous exertions in time of peace to 
discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, 
not transferring to posterity the burthen which we ought to bear 
ourselves. Recollect, that towards the payment of debts there 
must be revenue, that to have revenue there must be taxes, that 
it is impossible to devise taxes which are not more or less incon- 
»^;^ient and unpleasant—that they are always a choice of difficul¬ 
ties, that the intrinsic embarrassment which never fails to attend 
a selection of objects ought to be a motive for a candid construc¬ 
tion of the conduct of the government in making it, and that a 








1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 


construction of the conduct of the Government in 
making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the 
measures for obtaining Revenue which the public 
exigencies may at any time dictate.— 

Observe good faith and justice towards all Na¬ 
tions. a - nd cultivate poaco and -harmony with all, 
fo y- in public ao well ao in privat e tranoactionsr - I am 

pe <= 6uad e d that hon e sty will alwayB b e4 ound to bo tho 

b e st policy. Cultivate peace and harmony with all.— 
Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it 
be that good policy does not equally enjoin it ?—It 
will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no dis¬ 
tant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the 
magnanimous and too novel example of a People 
always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. 
—Who can doubt that in the course of time and 
things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay 
any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a 
steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence 

spirit of acquiescence in those measures for obtaining revenue 
which the public exigencies dictate, is, in an especial manner, 
the duty and interest of the citizens of every state. 

Cherish good faith and justice towards, and peace and harmony 
with, all nations. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct, and 
it cannot be but that true policy equally demands it. It will be 
worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great 
nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel 
example of a people invariably governed by those exalted views. 
Who can doubt that in a long course of time and events the fruits 
of such a conduct would richly repay any temporary advantages 
which might be lost by a steady adherence to the plan ? Can it 
be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a 
nation with its virtue t The experiment is recommended by 

















THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation 
with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recom¬ 
mended by every sentiment which ennobles human 
nature.—Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ? 

In the execution of such a plan nothing is more 
essential than that permanent, inveterate an¬ 

tipathies against particular nations and passionate 
attachments for others should be excluded ; and that 
in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all 
should be cultivated.—The Nation, which indulges 
towards another-a- an habitual hatred or-a- an habitual 
fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to 
its animosity or to its affection, either of which is 
sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its inter¬ 
est.—Antipathy in one nation against another- beget a 
■e f - GOurse a similar G e ntimont in that othor, disposes 
each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay 
hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty 
and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions 


every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it ren¬ 
dered impossible by its vices ? 

Towards the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen¬ 
tial than that antipathies against particular nations and passionate 
attachments for others should be avoided, and that instead of 
them we should cultivate just and amicable feelings towards all. 
That nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred 
or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave 
to its animosity, or to its affection—either of which is sufficient 
to lead it astray from its duty and interest. Antipathy against 
one nation, which never fails to beget a similar sentiment in the 
other, disposes each more readily to offer injury and insult to the 
other, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty 
and untractable when accidental or trifling differences arise. 











1796 ] 


GEORGE WASH/JVGTOJV. 


313 


of dispute occur.—Hence frequent collisions, obsti¬ 
nate, envenomed and bloody contests.—The Nation 
prompted by ill-will and resentment sometimes impels 
to War the Government, contrary to - i^Q - own ' the best 
calculations of policy.—The Government sometimes 
participates in the national propensity, and adopts 
through passion what reason would reject;—at other 
times, it makes the animosity of the Nation sub¬ 
servient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, 
ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives.— 
The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of 
Nations has been the victim.— 

So likewise a passionate attachment of one Nation 
for another produces a variety of evils.—Sympathy 
for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an 
imaginary common interest in cases where no real 
common interest exists, and infusing into one^- no ^ hc? - 
the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a 
participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, 

Hence frequent quarrels and bitter and obstinate contests. The 
nation urged by resentment and rage, sometimes compels the 
government to war, contrary to its own calculations of policy. 
The government sometimes participates in this propensity, and 
does through passion what reason would forbid at other times ; it 
makes the animosity of the nations subservient to hostile projects 
which originate in ambition and other sinister motives. The 
peace, often, and sometimes the liberty of nations, has been the 
victim of this cause. 

In like manner a passionate attachment of one nation to another 
produces multiplied ills. Sympathy for the favorite nation, pro¬ 
moting the illusion of a supposed common interest, in cases 
where it does not exist, the enmities of the one betray the other 
into a participation in its quarrels and wars, without adequate 










THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


without adequate inducement or justification : It 
leads also to concessions to the favourite Nation of 
privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to 
injure the Nation making the concessions ; by 

unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been 
retained, ^dly and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and 
a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom 
equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambi¬ 
tious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote 
themselves to the favourite Nation) facility to be¬ 
tray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country, 
without odium, sometimes even with popularity :— 
gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense 
of obligation, a commendable deference for public 
opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base 
or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or 
infatuation.— 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable 
ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to 
the truly enlightened and independent Patriot.—How 

inducements or justifications. It leads to the concession of privi¬ 
leges to one nation, and to the denial of them to others, which 
is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concession by an 
unnecessary yielding of what ought to have been retained, and by 
exciting jealousy, ill-will, and retaliation in the party from whom an 
equal privilege is withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted 
citizens, who devote themselves to the views of the favorite foreign 
power, facility in betraying or sacrificing the interests of their own 
country, even with popularity, gilding with [the appearance of a 
virtuous impulse, the base yieldings of ambition or corruption.] 
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such 
attachments are peculiarly alarming to the enlightened indepen¬ 
dent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to intrigue 






1796] 


GEORGE WASHINGTON. 


3^5 


many opportunities do they afford to tamper with 
domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, 
to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the 
public councils ! Such an attachment of a small or 
weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms 
the former to be the satellite of the latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, I 
conjure you to believe me, - my friotido, fellow-citizens, 
the jealousy of a free people ought to be inoessantly 
constantly awake, since history and experience prove 
that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes 
of republican Government.—But that jealousy, to be 
useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instru¬ 
ment of the very influence to be avoided, instead of. 
a defence against it.—Excessive partiality for one 
foreign nation and excessive dislike of another, cause! 
those whom they actuate to see danger only on onej 
side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of| 
influence on the other.—Real Patriots, who may! 
resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable tof 

with domestic factions, to practise with success the arts of seduc¬ 
tion, to mislead the public opinion—to influence or awe the 
public councils ? Such an attachment of a small or weak towards 
a great and powerful nation, destines the former to revolve round 
the latter as its satellite. 

Against the mischiefs of foreign influence all the jealousy of a 
free people ought to be constantly exerted ; but the jealousy of 
it to be useful must be impartial, else it becomes an instrument 
of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. 

Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dis¬ 
like of another leads to see danger only on one side, and serves to 
veil the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who resist 
the intrigues of the favorite, become suspected and odious. Its 











SI 6 THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


become suspected and odious ; while its tools and 
dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the 
people, to surrender their interests.*— 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to 
foreign Nations, is, in extending our commercial 
relations, to have with them as little Political con¬ 
nection as possible.—So far as we have already 
formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with -ek- 
^ ^ - mspection indeed, with perfect good faith.— 
Here let us stop.— 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to u^ 
have none, or a very remote relation.—Hence she 
must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes ^ 
of which are essentially foreign to our concerns.— 
Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate 
ourselves, by ■&«- artificial corK » Qction ties in the or¬ 
dinary vicissitudes of her politics, or -k- the ordinary 
combinations and collisions of her friendships, or 
enmities. 


tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people 
to betray their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations 
ought to be to have as little political connection with them as 
possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let 
them be fulfilled with circumspection, indeed, but with perfect 
good faith ; here let it stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which have none or a very 
remote relation to us. Hence she must be involved in frequent 
contests, the causes of which will be essentially foreign to us. 
Hence, therefore, it must necessarily be unwise on our part to 
implicate ourselves by an artificial connection in the ordinary 
vicissitudes of European politics—in the combination and colli¬ 
sions of her friendships or enmities. 








GEORGE WASHINGTON. 


317 


1796 ] 


Our detached and distant situation invites and 
enables us to pursue a different course.—If we remain 
one People, under an efficient government, the period 
is not far off, when we may defy material injury from 
external annoyance; when we may take such an atti¬ 
tude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time 
resolve upon t o oboorvo to be scrupulously respected. 
When it cithcr of two belligerent nations, under the 
impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not 
lightly hazard the giving us provocation to - throw our 
weight into tho opposit e - fi eal ^- ; wheii we may choose 
peace or war, as our interest guided by our justice 
shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situa¬ 
tion ?—Why quit our own to stand upon foreign 
ground?—Why, by interweaving our destiny with 
that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and 
prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival- 
ship, interest, humour, or caprice ?— 

Our detached and distant situation invites us to a different 
course and enables us to pursue it. If we remain a united people, 
under an efficient government, the period is not distant when we 
may defy material injury from external annoyances—when we 
may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we shall at 
any time resolve to observe, to be violated with caution—when 
it will be the interest of belligerent nations, under the impossi¬ 
bility of making acquisitions upon us, to be very careful how 
either forced us to throw our weight into the opposite scale— 
when we may choose peace or war, as our interests, guided by 
justice, shall dictate. 

Why should we forego the advantages of so felicitous a situa¬ 
tion ? Why quit our own ground and stand upon foreign ground ? 
Why, by interweaving our destiny with any part of Europe, should 













3 i 8 the writings OF [1796 


\ ’T is our true policy to steer clear of 
iconn e otions permanent alliances, with any portion of 
ithe foreign world;—so far, I mean, as we are now at 
liberty to do it—for let me not be understood as 
capable of patronizing infidelity to pre - existing ex¬ 
isting engagements, (I hold the maxim no less ap¬ 
plicable to public than to private affairs, for-l - hold it - 
■ to be-a s-' true in public, a s in private tran s action s j that 

honesty is always the best policy).—I repeat it there¬ 
fore let those engagements thos e must be observed 
in their genuine sense.—But in my opinion it is un¬ 
necessary and would be unwise to extend them.— 
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable 
establishments, on a respectably defensive posture, 

I we may safely trust to - ecGaaiond- temporary alliances 
’ for extraordinary emergencies.— 

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are 
recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. 
But even our commercial policy should hold an equal 
and impartial hand :—neither seeking nor granting 
exclusive favours or preferences;—consulting the 

we entangle our prosperity and peace in the nets of European 
ambition, rivalship, interest, or caprice? 

Permanent alliance, intimate connection with any part of the 
foreign world is to be avoided ; so far, I mean as we are now at 
liberty to do it; for let me never be understood as patronizing 
infidelity to pre-existing engagements. These must be observed 
in their true and genuine sense. 

Harmony, liberal intercourse, and commerce with all nations 
are recommended by justice, humanity, and interest. But even 
our commercial policy should hold an equal hand, neither seek¬ 
ing nor granting exclusive favors or preferences—consulting the 















1796] 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

319 


natural course of things ;—diffusing and diversifying 
by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing 
nothing ;—establishing with Powers so disposed—in 
order to give trade a stable course, to define the 
rights of our Merchants, and to enable the Govern¬ 
ment to support them—conventional rules of inter¬ 
course, the best that present circumstances and mutual 
opinion will permit; but temporary, and liable to be 
from time to time abandoned or varied, as experi¬ 
ence and circumstances shall dictate; constantly 
keeping in view that’t is folly in one nation to look for 
disinterested favors -at- from another,—that it must 
pay with a portion of its independence for whatever 
it may accept under that character—that by such 
acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of 
having given equivalents for nominal favours and 
yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giv¬ 
ing more.—There can be no greater error than to 
expect, or calculate upon real favours from Nation to 
Nation.—T is an illusion which experience must cure, 
which a just pride ought to discard. 

natural course of thmgs—diffusing and diversifying by gentle 
means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing—establishing 
with powers so disposed temporary rules of intercourse, the 
best that present circumstances and mutual opinion of interest 
will permit, but temporary, and liable to be abandoned or varied, 
as time, experience, and future circumstances may dictate— 
remembering that it is folly in one nation to expect disinterested 
favor in another, that to accept is to part with a portion of its 
independence, and that it may find itself in the condition of hav¬ 
ing given equivalents for nominal favors, and of being reproached 
with ingratitude in the bargain. There can be no greater error 







320 


THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


In offering to you, my Countrymen, these counsels 
of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they 
will make the strong and lasting impression, I could 
wish,—that they will controul the usual current of the 
passions, or prevent our Nation from running the 
course which has hitherto marked the destiny of Na¬ 
tions.—But if I may even flatter myself, that they 
maybe productive of some partial benefit; some occa¬ 
sional good; that they may now and then recur to 
moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the 
mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the 
impostures of pretended patriotism, this hope will be 
a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, 
by which they have been dictated.— 

How far in the discharge of my official duties, I 
have been guided by the principles which have been 
delineated, the public Records and other evidences of 
my conduct must witness to You, and to the world.— 
To myself the assurance of my own conscience is, that 
I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. 

in national policy that to desire, expect, or calculate upon real 
favors. ’T is an allusion that experience‘must cure, that a just 
pride ought to discard. 

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old 
and affectionate friend—counsels suggested by laborious reflec¬ 
tion, and matured by a various experience, I dare not hope that 
they will make the strong and lasting impressions I wish—that 
they will control the current of the passions, or prevent our nation 
from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of 
all nations. 

But if they may even produce partial benefit, some occasional 
good * * * that they sometimes recur to moderate the violence 
of party spirit, to warn against the evils of foreign intrigue, to 







GEORGE WASHINGTON. 


321 


1796] 


In relation to the still subsisting War in Europe, 
my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793 is the 
index to my plan.—Sanctioned by your approving 
voice and by that of Your Representatives in both 
Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has 
continually governed me :—uninfluenced by any at¬ 
tempts to deter or divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination with the aid of the 
best lights 1 could obtain, ( ■ and ’- from ^ m e n disagre e ing 
■ Hi-^ 4= »<j4r -- 4mpres & k)m>^>f-th -e "Origin, - progreGG) and - na ¬ 

tur e of - tlKU -^ war r ) I was well satisfied that our coun¬ 
try, under all the circumstances of the case, had a 
right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to 
take a Neutral position.—Having taken it, I deter¬ 
mined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain 
it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.— 
l - h^onoid e rationG wh i elvr e Gp e ct th e -right-to hold 

thi& ' Conduot) com e of th e m of-a - d e lioa - t -e- natur e r would 

b e- improp e rly ■ th » -cubj e cW)f- e Kplanat4on - on - th k > - o€« 

o a &k)ni ■ will bar e ly-.obs e rve that - acGordiniy , to . -my - 

guard against the impositions of pretended patriotism, the having 
offered them must always afford me a precious consolation. 

How far in the execution of my present office I have been 
guided by the principles which have been recommended, the 
public records and the external evidences of my conduct must 
witness. My conscience assures me that I have at least believed 
myself to be guided by them. 

In reference to the present war of Europe, my proclamation of 
the 22d April, 1793, is the key to my plan, sanctioned by your 
approving voice, and that of your Representatives in Congress— 
the spirit of that measure has continually governed me—un¬ 
influenced and unawed by the attempts of any of the warring 
powers, their agents, or partisans, to deter or divert from it. 













322 


THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


^nd e r«t a 4Kiing of th ^. mattorr t l » a t right^-oo - far-fronv 

being - d e fin e d — by -- Qny -- b ^ Ilig e r e rrt Power,-hao boon 

wt - i>Ql]y - admitted by-alL — 

Th e- conGiderat - ion^b i oWespect tho - riglit to hold 

thio - oonduoti wo - ttld - b »- knprop e rl - y ■ the-oubjoct of - par- 

tkular diGcuooiop on thlfi - eccaoH>n ;— I wilb ^ barcly - ob- 

o e rv e that tQ~me they app e ar to b e warrant e d by w e lb 

e &tablioh e d principle s of the Laws *^of »- Natioj> 6 q s 

applicable to the - nature of our .a llianc^with . - France 

■i-<»- eorKi e ction with th e circum e t a ftc e s of - th e cao e ^ and 

th e- relatw e- fiituafaon - of the 00at e nding Parti e Oi * 

The considerations which respect the right to hold 
this conduct, Gom e of them of a delicate nature^ would ’ 
be - improperly th e - ' Subj e ct-of - e Kplanation. it is not 
necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only ob¬ 
serve, that, according to my understanding of the 
matter, that right, so far from being denied by any 
of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted 
by all.— 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be in¬ 
ferred, without anything more, from the obligation 
which justice and humanity impose on every Nation, 

After deliberate consideration, and the best lights I could obtain 
(and from men who did not agree in their views of the origin, 
progress, and nature of that war), I was satisfied that our country, 
under all the circumstances of the case, had a right and was bound 
in propriety and interest to take a neutral position. And having 
taken it, I determined as should depend on me to maintain it 
steadily and firmly, 

^ On the margin of the paragraph as printed, was written by Washington : 
“This is the first draft, and it is questionable which of the two is to be pre¬ 
ferred.” 






















1796] 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

323 


in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain invio¬ 
late the relations of Peace and Amity towards other 
Nations.— 

The inducements of interest for observing that 
conduct will best be referred to your own reflections 
and experience.—With me, a predominant motive has 
been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle 
and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress 
without interruption to that degree of strength and 
consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly 
speaking, the command of its own fortune. 

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my Admin¬ 
istration, I am unconscious of intentional error—I am 
nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think 
it probable that I may have committed many errors.— 
Whatever they may be, I deprcoato the to which - 
•they may tend, a-n4-1 fervently beseech the Almighty 
to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may 

tend.—I shall also carry with me the hope that my 
country will never cease to view them with indulgence; 
and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to 
its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incom- 

Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration I am 
unconscious of intentional error, I am yet too sensible of my own 
deficiencies, not to think it possible that I have committed many 
errors ; I deprecate the evils to which they may tend, and fer ¬ 
vently implore the Almighty to avert or mitigate them. I shall 
carry with me, nevertheless, the hope that my motives will con¬ 
tinue to be viewed by my country with indulgence, and that after 
forty-five years of my life, devoted with an upright zeal to the 
public service, the faults of inadequate abilities will be consigned 
to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 








324 THE WRITINGS OF [1796 


petent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself 
must soon be to the mansions of rest. 

May - t - without th e charg e- of-o s t e ntation - "add that 

n e ith ^ r - ambition -nor interest has b e en th e imp el ling ’ 

cause of - m ^ ^ - etctiono that ■ I-have n e v e r - d e Gign e dly 

ww eiw c e d afty - pow^ ip confided to - me nor h e gitat - ed-to 

us e on e r - wh ^ r -e- I -' -thought it could r e dound to - yom ^ 

benefit ? — May I without - th e app e arance of - affccta "' 

- tation-Dayr that th e- - fortune with which b - cam e into 

offioe " io - not ^ b e tt e r e d otherwise than by th e improv e* 

m e at i n th e v €fc b» » of property which . the - quic - k-prog - 

resG " and-un€0«>mon prosperity of our - country - hav e 

produced ? — May L still further add without br e ac - h - o f^ 

dolioacyr that I ohall retir e- without cau s e-for a blush; 

with - -no s e ntiments , alien to — the forc e' of those 

vows for the happine ss of hi s country so natural to a 

citia e n who se e s in it the -.- native s oil of-his prog e ni - 

tors an d- hi - ms e lf - for four g e n e rations 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, 
and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which 
is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil 
of himself and his progenitors for-f our several genera- 

Neither ambition nor interest has been the impelling cause of 
my actions. I never designedly misused any power confided in 
me. The fortune with which I came into office, is not bettered 
otherwise than by that improvement in the value of property 
which the natural progress and peculiar prosperity of our country 
have produced. I retire with a pure heart, with undefiled hands, 
and with ardent vows for the happiness of a country, the native 
soil of myself and progenitors for four generations. 

* On the margin of this paragraph Washington wrote : “ This paragraph 
may have the appearance of self-distrust and mere vanity.” 























1796 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 325 


tions;—I anticipate with pleasing expectation that re¬ 
treat, in which I promise myself to realize, without 
alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst 
of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good 
Laws under a free Government,—the ever favourite 
object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, 
of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers^ 

United States, September ipth^ I 79 ^' 


* On a copy of Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser, for September 
19, 1796, are endorsed the following words in Washington’s handwriting, 
which were designed as an instruction to the copyist, who recorded the Address 
in the letter-book : 

“ The letter contained in this gazette, addressed ‘ To the People of the 
United States,’ is to be recorded, and in the order of its date. Let it have a 
blank page before and after it, so as to stand distinct. Let it be written with a 
letter larger and fuller than the common recording hand. And where words 
are printed with capital letters, it is to be done so in recording. And those 
other words, that are printed in italics, must be scored underneath and straight 
by a ruler.” 











m-fiHiih' 

' ’ V i.f '. '*■«. 

*..; . • » ' ' >". 


J ' H I 




'WsVt^, 

I'.tV J»i. * 




■ ■'■'".•V fl -jP 

RnHlP T,, .» • ‘ *5^^ v •■• y V r •' •»*'*‘*Tf;** 
,'-viTTK ‘ - I v 1“ .1 • .'V. ^V>\-' 

l»i«- m w 9 i 9' •r I'll*. 

I T I . ^ *■ •', 'w ■ 


^■ ■^ r . ■' V-:^|-■•. . . '•'■•i'' 

'SHWwfllwPW- ' 

r\ * ‘ NDiuSKrT * ^‘ 


W.. . "'^v 

'■ :V 





» ■ ' i , . • rV» Hi# /-S 


> -s 


> - ^ 


'L “!<«.■??, I vr- 1 - ■ • , ^V’ 


» f 


(iiS 


j 5 


.. 




^'^■h*. -J: ' • " I'M , . ’ ' ' • '' 

'•' ■ M ''»•’?!• '*r •' ^ ‘ ■ 

: 1 


■'- •* 


•• " . V V 


/• < 


* • * iJ ‘ ‘ ‘ f 

f • ^ • • 



•■■ SK< 


'* *■ 




. / 


s \ 



, '' ~ [ i *■' . I, viM 

n ■ 


K V 




rj 


I • 


•/•.'. 




<2I' 


'■ * 

* 

■ i •■ 


\ 

f « 


nuis ,- i, V 

'* '■'' '• ’ " ■ 

if*. ’• ^ • JWmfrlv 






■ , . ■ ,'■■ :'■■* * *■ 


i J' 1 - ‘^V 

V‘.V. 


' J » : • 'l' ■VjVOi. . • 


• f 

s t 


I *' ■ 


... r-. 4,-. I 


,. m 


\'* 


^ai 

iP,,'j ■m*ifej..'i;£,.'.’;-..', '.'^ J 















ffV />V'"7 


' 1 


I 


A 


* i 


t 


t 


\ 






1 ., 


/ 


^ 


i. 




k 




I 


I 


k 




I 









'.‘'vr^Tl 


;• V* \, , . '' 4 #^ '■ ii ' 4 » 


• 4 . •>* \‘N- • /•• 



y.- 



.Y 4 


/• 


\ • 1 A ^ 1 

...W, •!'* ' ’•'•'■■ 

■■,>• ■' . U\ . 



'•' ^ ' '^' '"' •■> wSr 


l 4 


■^mesS" 


V"'* v? >v ‘ ' ' 

.»tf '.I »'■ •■ 

• «J-rTL O* m**' 

*‘ W 

•f >\ _ 



* . ,.- .. -.. I 


>>« i‘v: 

*i . ‘V* . •'•I f 


i.v ‘-r 


4 - ■;» ;■ a, ■ 


'. ' * . ** « . '-r^ltlT^ 



■-■' .A • -. A 


i. <rir-^%..'••-.‘ 5 :' 






' ' ...n 'vS* fvv'i:'’l^ 


’'^Mi', r ^ ' ■ 






h ‘ kv ,4. . ', ‘ ^*'v*T J --A •'*# •^ - ■ ' . ^■M 

si'^ ■' ■■ 3^:^’., i J 

1 -» ‘ . ff r i •• 04 '* * ^ / V *.< ^■: t ^ . ‘ lA •* ,» 

•''- ■• ■ i&i?fe:;:vAvrAr ;■■• ,, .• i-N 



t 

« » 




. ■ ■■ ■.?»;■,'’■ .v4'‘« 

. . ■■>■•••'-vv' ' • 


■' V 'i ■•■: 


•.'I 


• ' 

* • •*,• 




Li 


** 


I > 

' i 


..'V .' % 


■ ! ^ 


\ 


•"'.r ^ 

» 


, V . ^ V ' 

I V J •’ .' ' -A*^ 


9.'t 


S|J 





:iv 




% Jp 



* ** • ■.(' ■ '“.' . >'k 

\ 1 : ‘ i tJ'A*- “f r J'-. ' /( r*' 

v;v ' ^MW'A‘‘ 

'■ t. '" ■ ' 4- •• j . A EH 

. .. *• ■....«/■:■ '•« ' -A MB 





tv 


/' t’ " ■ '■■ ’• V'- ’fi^ 


\.*K 


IH*. 




A * A 

t. ^ * 










jSi'* .V l^u%’ 


y 





Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process. 
Neutralizing agent; Magnesium Oxide 
Treatment Date: May 2010 

PreservationTechnologies 

A WORLD LEADER IN COLLECTIONS PRESERVATION 

111 Thomson Park Drive 
Cranberry Township, PA 16066 
(724) 779-2111 









































































